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Archive for March 22nd, 2008

Nobody Expects the Spanish Inquisition

Posted by kandylini on March 22, 2008

The Spanish Inquisition: A Lesson from History

I happened to catch the hilarious Monty Python sketch from the 1970s and its famous catch-phrase got me thinking. With all that’s happening in the West today, is nobody expecting another Spanish Inquisition, or something like it?

Many of us in the U.S. who are noticing the trampling of the Constitution and shredding of the Bill of Rights are surely wondering how far it will go. We see the executive branch of government morphing into a ruthless, fascist autocracy before our eyes, gathering more and more power and engaging freely in what was once illegal behavior. It has lied about external threats, launched undeclared wars of aggression, hired and protected a mercenary army, established secret prisons, engaged in torture, withdrawn from global law courts, and so much more horrific foreign policy. Now, this dark force is openly turning its machinery on the American people themselves. And the majority of Americans appear to be oblivious that a police state is forming. The other branches of government, corporations, and the media stand idly by, tacitly supporting and cooperating with the crackdown.

So, how far will it go? Human history is positively brimming over with examples of police states from every era. If people knew more history, they would see clearly the signs of oppression coming down, because the signs are always and ever the same — ever-increasing control of the masses for the wealth and benefit of the governing elites, and ever-diminishing wealth and freedom for the people.

One example of how far this might go can be found in the story of late-15th century Spain. In 1478, what is now Spain was several countries. The Catholic monarchs of the two largest Iberian nations, Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella of Castile, agreed to an arranged marriage to increase the power of their states in the region. Together, they ruled most of the peninsula. Historian Stanley G. Paine wrote of the political climate of the time:

The new political principles of the fifteenth century were unity and security, cornerstones of the “modernization” of that period. For the Catholic Kings and most of their subjects, it had become inconceivable that political unity should not be reflected in the religious realm, for the two were inextricably intertwined and reinforced each other. Thus the united Spanish monarchy became the first major state in Europe to impose the principle of both political and religious unity that became the standard of governments throughout the continent in the century that followed. [Paine]

Spain was highly multicultural in the 15th century. Christians, Muslims, and Jews had lived there together since Roman times 1500 years prior. In 1478, with the popular notion of political, cultural, and religious unity in mind, Ferdinand and Isabella established the famous Spanish Inquisition to root out all those in the land who were guilty of the highest political and religious crime of the day — heresy. The king and queen saw an Inquisition as a way to increase the Crown’s political muscle, curry favor with the Vatican, and fill the state coffers in the process. To justify the Inquisition, they declared that heretics among the people constituted an internal security threat.

The Catholic Church was then so powerful that it, not monarchs, wielded the highest authority among Catholic peoples. Monarchs ruled at the Vatican’s pleasure. The Church had been the sole perpetrator of previous inquisitions, such as the one against the Cathars in France and northern Italy a century earlier. Pope Sixtus IV was reluctant to authorize an inquisition under state administration, but Ferdinand wanted control. He insisted upon royal, not papal, administration of it. In true, psychopathic-leadership fashion, he won this control by threatening Sixtus with withdrawal of Spanish troops that were aiding in protecting Rome from menacing Turks.

The Pope relented and sent his Dominican inquisitors, who reported to Ferdinand and Isabella. These inquisitors were men of all professions necessary to create a security bureaucracy nightmare. They were lawyers, judges, notaries, doctors, torturers, jailers, and executioners. The Chief Inquisitor was a man of enormous power, carrying the full authority of both church and state.

Upon arriving in any town, the inquisitors conducted interrogations of every citizen of adolescent age and up, looking for evidence of heresy. They established a climate of fear by publishing lists of prohibited books and other items, and conducting searches at will for evidence of heretical contraband. They positioned themselves throughout villages, watching everyone closely, inquiring about and recording every detail of citizens’ lives, from what they ate to how they washed, to their sexual habits and their community rituals. Any deviation from what was deemed acceptable by the Church could result in a charge of heresy or witchcraft.

The inquisitors coaxed citizens to freely confess their heresies, to spy on their neighbors, and to denounce others who were not faithful. In fact, denunciation was proclaimed by the Holy Office of the Inquisition to be the duty of all, encouraging spouses to inform on each other, and even children to inform on their parents. Historian Henry Charles Lea wrote:

The Spaniard was taught not alone to repress his opinions as to the Inquisition but to keep a guard on his tongue under all circumstances, not only in public but in the sacred confidence of his own family, for the duty of denunciation applied to husband and father, to wife and children. [Lea]

Spanish Inquisition
©Unknown
The Inquisition was so powerful and frightening because it harnessed the fear and selfishness of society and turned every man against his brother.

In true self-serving fashion, people took advantage of the power of denunciation to attack anyone they didn’t like, even if it meant inventing charges of heresy. Denunciation resulted in arrest and detainment, then pressure to confess. If confession was not forthcoming, torture was next step, seen as a justified way in which to extract evidence of criminality. All of this was carried out in tribunals not open to the public, much like military trials today. Unsurprisingly, nearly everyone confessed or denounced others while under torture. This created a never-ending cycle of charges of heresy. Stanley G. Paine wrote:

The Holy Office inspired fear and terror because of the secrecy of its operations. Those arrested were not allowed to communicate with the outside world and seemed temporarily swallowed up. The fact that the names of informers and accusers were not divulged made it all the harder to disprove charges. Servants and lower-class people, however, were less troubled by the Inquisition than were the wealthy and powerful, particularly in the sixteenth century. This was because of the Holy Office’s concern for influence and example, and possibly also because of venal interest behind some of the prosecutions. [Paine]

Being charged with heresy resulted in a range of sentences. At the low end were public humiliation and being forced to wear a yellow cross of shame. In the middle range, people were stripped of property, exiled, or imprisoned. At the high end, heretics were burned to death or beheaded. Naturally, in most cases, the church and the monarchy divided the proceeds of those divested of wealth.

Spanish non-Christians were technically not under the authority of the inquisitors, but were pressured to converts. Often the choice was to convert or die. Many converted and were known as Conversos. Some Conversos, eager to prove their zeal, went on to aid the inquisition fervently. Others, receiving no tutoring in their new religion, continued their traditional religious and cultural practices in secret. But, conversion was very often a trap. Converting to Christianity meant becoming subject to the authority of the inquisitors. If found to be still engaged in non-Christian behaviors such as avoiding leavened bread or pork, the result was a charge of heresy, arrest, interrogation, possible torture, and probably sentencing to punishment.

The inquisitors effectively established a police state.

Even Pope Sixtus suggested that the Spanish Inquisition was overzealous, though Ferdinand successfully rebuffed any suggestion to tone down the terror. The intelligentsia of Spain, seeing the Inquisition as a lie and a baseless power grab, was alarmed that the terror was paralyzing society. They tried everything to get Ferdinand to back off. But no logical argument, petition, or popular opinion would sway the king, who was enjoying increased control and greater and greater wealth. Ferdinand replied with an argument that sounds very familiar:

If there are so few heretics as is now asserted, there should not be such dread of the Inquisition. It is not to be impeded. Be assured that no cause or interest, however great, shall be allowed to interfere with its proceedings.

Sensing resistance to the Inquisition, Ferdinand tightened the screws in 1485 by ordering Spanish troops to accompany and aid the inquisitors, adding military might to the policing action against the citizenry.

In the immediately ensuing years, having raised the necessary strength, Ferdinand and Isabella launched a war against Muslim-controlled Granada in the south, finally forcing King Boabdil to surrender in 1492. Italian mariner Christopher Columbus was on the scene and took advantage of the victorious mood of the Crown. Isabella decided to fund Columbus’ voyage across the Atlantic in search of a route to India.

Flush with success, the Crown turned its attention to the remaining Jews in Spain, turning up the heat on them to convert or leave the country. Knowing the risks of being caught in the Inquisition, the population eagerly turned against their neighbors, cut social ties, and excluded them from trade.

Eventually, a kind of ethnic cleansing ensued by the issuance of a royal proclamation that amounted to “you’re either with us or against us.” It stated that remaining Jews had to convert or be forcibly expelled. They were allowed to take personal property except for gold, silver, jewels, or other precious materials. Desperate families were forced to sell everything at fire-sale prices. Every Jewish home was searched and inventoried by agents of the Inquisition and the crown to ensure compliance with the executive order.

As the Inquisition era proceeded, Columbus and many other Spanish-funded mariners traveled to the New World of the Americas, conquering, plundering, converting the indigenous peoples and bringing gold back to Spain. Spain became the richest nation in the world, and the first of global empire. And wherever its emissaries raised the Spanish flag, they brought along the office of the Inquisition and its ruthless horrors.

Does any of this sound familiar?

The Western fascist machine has turned increasingly on the American people by emptying the treasury, awarding tax dollars in no-bid contracts to government cronies, ruining the economy, establishing a Homeland Security agency, engaging in illegal wire-tapping, looking into citizens’ bank accounts, opening the mail, putting cameras up everywhere, building detainment camps, militarizing the police, vastly increasing the number of SWAT raids, overturning the Posse Comitatus act, ignoring habeus corpus, videotaping protestors, tasering more and more people into submission, putting a record number of Americans in prison, making travel more difficult, and much more. It is now in the process of conditioning the public to the idea of an internal security threat with the issuance of the Violent Radicalization and Homegrown Terrorism Prevention Act of 2007, and all the talk surrounding it, including the Council on Foreign Relations and their proposal for a domestic intelligence agency on top of what already exists.

The legislative and judicial branches, corporations, and the media all tacitly support and cooperate with the crackdown.

So, how far will it go?

Some see it and assume it will just subside with new elections, even though the presidential candidates openly declare the continuation of all the worst existing policies and avoid talking about others.

The Spanish Inquisition and the social attitudes it wrought gave rise to the witch hunts in neighboring countries in the ensuing centuries, which actually resulted in misery and death for even more people. The Holy Office of the Spanish Inquisition was not officially abolished until 1834, after it had persisted for 356 years. It was not until 2004 that Pope John Paul II publicly apologized for the horrors of inquisitions begun over 600 years ago.

Given that the majority of Americans seem to have no clue that anything unusual is occurring, opposition to the tightening grip of government is really almost non-existent. So, no, most Americans, I think, are not expecting the Spanish Inquisition, or anything like it. They aren’t familiar with the signs of its coming. The element of surprise, sadly, is still with those who have the power to declare martial law and openly declare a militarized police state.

Sources:

1. A History of Spain and Portugal, Stanley G. Payne, Chapter Eleven, The Apogee of Hispanic Catholicism,

2. A History of the Inquistion of Spain, Volume Four, Henry Charles Lea, BOOK 9, CONCLUSION, CHAPTER 2, RETROSPECT.

3. Secret Files of the Inquisition, Part II, Tears of Spain, PBS documentary, 2006

4. Spanish Inquisition, Rawlings, The Historiography of the Inquisition

5. Spanish Inquisition, Wikipedia entry.

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Hidden Dangers in the Kitchen

Posted by kandylini on March 22, 2008

http://slideshow.ivillage.com/igo_green/hidden_dangers_in_the_kitchen/post_89.html

 Excerpted from Organic Housekeeping by Ellen Sandbeck (Scribner, 2006)

Sometimes with environmental hazards we can feel like we know too much — like if we hear one more thing, we’re going to buy a big bubble and live in it. But before you turn the page in fear of the unknown, you need to read this: These six things are easy to get rid of — so they can stop making you and your family sick.

Fumes from overheated Teflon-coated cookware have been known to kill caged birds. Studies conducted by the Environmental Working Group have shown overheated nonstick pans emit a toxic mixture of chemicals that may cause cancer, birth defects, immune system suppression and increased risk of heart attack and stroke. The chemical culprits are fluorine compounds, which are used in water-and stain-repellent coatings on carpets, clothing, ironing boards, ovens and pots and pans. What should you cook with? Keep reading.

Excerpted from Organic Housekeeping by Ellen Sandbeck (Scribner, 2006)

Aluminum Pots and Pans
You just ruled out Teflon, now you need to get rid of any aluminum pots and pans because that aluminum has been linked to Alzheimer’s disease. These pans are light, often cheap and are reactive. Storing salty or acidic food in an aluminum pot will pit the surface of the metal and contaminate the food with aluminum. Instead, use clay, stainless steel, ceramic, glass, porcelain or cast-iron cookware. One of the advantages of cast-iron is that it can actually provide small amounts of iron, a necessary nutrient.

Excerpted from Organic Housekeeping by Ellen Sandbeck (Scribner, 2006)

Plastic Utensils
Get rid of anything plastic in your kitchen. It melts when it gets hot, and, well… cooking often involves heat! A hot frying pan is an unsuitable location for a plastic spoon or spatula (as I have demonstrated on more than one occasion). Instead use stainless-steel spatulas, wooden spatulas, bamboo spatulas, wooden spoons, stainless-steel spoons, stainless-steel ladles, and glass or metal measuring cups.

Excerpted from Organic Housekeeping by Ellen Sandbeck (Scribner, 2006)

Plastic Containers

Many plastics start to break down as they age and when they are heated, scrubbed or subjected to harsh detergents. Bisphenol A is the main ingredient in polycarbonate plastic, which is commonly used to make baby bottles, reusable milk bottles and reusable water bottles. Bisphenol upsets natural hormone levels and causes genetic damage and miscarriages in lab mice. To minimize your exposure to the chemicals found in plastics, when you bring groceries home, remove the plastic packaging and wrap all your cheeses and meats in freezer paper or waxed paper before putting them in a plastic bag or container.

Excerpted from Organic Housekeeping by Ellen Sandbeck (Scribner, 2006)

Raw Meats

Diners who eat raw or undercooked meat, fish, shellfish, or poultry can end up with tapeworms, toxoplasmosis or trichinosis. Avoid cross-contamination by using different cutting boards for meat and produce, preparing your produce before you prep meat and laundering all dishtowels you use after cooking. Also try this homemade spray system: Take two spray bottles and fill one with distilled white vinegar and the other with hydrogen peroxide. After washing meats and produce, spray vinegar first and then the peroxide on your countertops — no need to rinse.

Excerpted from Organic Housekeeping by Ellen Sandbeck (Scribner, 2006)

Metal Containers

Acidic foods such as tomatoes, sauerkraut, fruit, lemonade, fruit punches, carbonated beverages, tea and wine can react with metal in containers and become poisonous. Avoid these and use glass instead:

  • Zinc: Galvanized metal containers may leach toxic amounts of zinc into the food.
  • Copper or brass: Makes lemonade, wine, tea, coffee and tomato sauce toxic.
  • Lead: Traditional pewter contains 25% lead and 75% tin. Many antique ceramics have lead glazes. Avoid using them for serving food. Also be wary of lead crystal.
  • Excerpted from Organic Housekeeping by Ellen Sandbeck (Scribner, 2006)

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    Our Daily Barrage: Melody Petersen Explains

    Posted by kandylini on March 22, 2008

    http://www.pharmalot.com/2008/03/our-daily-barrage-melody-petersen-explains/#more-12631

    For several years, Melody Petersen covered the pharmaceutical industry for The New York Times. As she explains in her new book, ‘Our Daily Meds,’ she was, at first, instructed to find stories about the new drugs that pharma’s scientists were researching. She wound up becoming fascinated with the ‘medicine merchants,’ as she now calls them – the people who transformed the industry into a big marketing machine “selling dangerous medicines as if they were Coca-Cola or Cadillacs…and have become experts at promoting fear of disease.” Her book details numerous examples in which drugmakers used a plethora of controversial tactics – manipulating clinical trial data; seducing doctors with freebies; promotional stunts that obscured side effects – to drive sales. She does not paint a pretty picture.

    Pharmalot: I’m wondering whether you were aghast at all of the marketing pitches and ploys back when you were still working at the Times. And if so, how’d that affect your view of the industry?
    Petersen: When I began covering the industry in early 2000, I believed the drug companies were all about science. But after following the industry and talking to executives, I saw that my early impression was wrong. For example, that year, some of the most talked-about drugs were products like Nexium, Advair, and Clarinex. The companies said these were “new” drugs. They weren’t. They were little more than old drugs, tweaked a little in the lab and then heavily promoted to make the public believe they were new. I realized that it wasn’t science that drove these companies. It was marketing.

    Pharmalot: What do/did you say to people who complain the media is too critical of big pharma and harps on negatives – such as marketing gaffes or side effect reports – and overlooks the positive contributions made by research?
    Petersen: I know the pharmaceutical industry likes to blame the media for its problems. Unfortunately, the industry gives journalists a lot to write about. The industry sells products that can help people and save lives, but that hardly gives it the right to hurt other people through aggressive marketing.

    Pharmalot: Now, to the book: You describe a system that, basically, ran amok and is rigged. How did we get to this point?
    Petersen: The simple answer comes down to the piles of cash the industry has to spend. Our medical system once had many safeguards to protect patients from drugs they didn’t need. Academics and universities once helped keep the industry’s clinical trials objective and honest. Physicians once were independent from the industry and acted as gatekeepers who put patients first. The FDA once did not require fees from the industry to fund its operations; it’s only client was the public. But all these groups are now dependent on the industry’s cash handouts and patients have suffered. The safeguards have disappeared. The drug companies have learned they can sell just about any pill by spending heavily on promotion. There are relatively few independent experts left who are willing to point out how the system has gone wildly wrong.

    Pharmalot: Is there any going back? How can pharma survive without heavily relying on the marketing machine?
    Petersen: The industry needs to get back to the hard work of using science to discover genuinely new medicines that help the sick and ease suffering. In fact, it’s hard to see a need for companies that don’t do that.

    our-daily-meds.jpgPharmalot: You suggest several changes in behavior and regulation, such as rolling back DTC advertising to pre-97 constraints. Basically, you’re saying DTC hasn’t worked. Isn’t that like throwing the baby out with the bath water? Some people insist they’re more aware of their health because of those ads.
    Petersen: The television ads have made people believe that all they have to do is swallow a pill and life will be grand. They’ve warped the public’s view about health. I have a lot of gripes with the ads. That said, I actually think the ads are less damaging than all the other promotion the industry does from behind the scenes. I’m talking about the promotion that is disguised to look like its coming from an independent source. Things like the hiring of celebrities and doctors to talk up the benefits of drugs and the creation of medical journal articles that have been ghostwritten by marketers. That is the stuff that is especially dangerous because people don’t have their guard up like they do with advertising. I wrote the book because I wanted people to be able to see through this covert promotion.

    Pharmalot: Another suggestion involves requiring docs to provide patients with lists of their interactions with, and ties to, drugmakers. Why is that realistic?
    Petersen: I actually want a law that bans companies from giving cash or gifts to physicians, while also making it illegal for physicians to take anything from the industry. That’s what we really need. At a minimum, doctors should be required to keep track of everything they receive from the industry and give this list to every patient checking in with the receptionist. By law, political candidates must keep track of all donations and gifts. If doctors want to take corporate handouts, they should have to do the same type of recordkeeping and disclose the list to their patients.

    Pharmalot: Do you see any differences now in big pharma’s collective behavior than you did while researching the book? If so, how?
    Petersen: You’re kidding, right? If anything, the marketing has become more aggressive as some of the industry’s big-selling blockbuster drugs have lost their patent protection.

    Pharmalot: Drugmakers have a new mantra – transparency – such as posting clinical trials. In your view, is this for real or is it just talk?
    Petersen: Last year, President Bush signed a law aimed at increasing penalties for companies that don’t quickly disclose clinical data. I hope that will help. But even if the companies now began disclosing all information, we will never learn about the results of an untold number of older clinical studies that have never been published even though they involve drugs still being prescribed.

    Pharmalot: Of the various anecdotes about people you wrote about in your book, which moved you the most, and why?
    Petersen: All the stories in my book about patients who died or were hurt by prescription drugs are heartbreaking.

    Pharmalot: Which anecdote involving a drugmaker angered you the most, and why?
    Petersen: It’s hard not to be angry about any case where aggressive marketing harms patients and takes lives. I write about so many of these needless tragedies. It’s impossible to say that one of these cases was somehow more or less egregious than another.

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    The Fed Packages Corruption as Sound Public Policy

    Posted by kandylini on March 22, 2008

    http://www.alternet.org/workplace/80418/

    Once again, the Fed is using a crisis to enrich corporate interests.

    The Federal Reserve Bank’s decision last week to address the housing crisis by extending $200 billion of taxpayer-financed credit to Wall Street banks was met with a stunned reaction typical of surprising events. But really, the move was the expression of longstanding isms that routinely package corruption as sound public policy.

    Some background: During the housing boom, banks doled out home loans to financially strapped borrowers, often on predatory terms. On the creditor side, these same banks packaged many of the loans as complex securities and sold them off to unwitting investors, generating a handsome profit on the paper transactions. At the same time, Wall Street used campaign contributions to coerce Congress into blocking anti-predatory-lending bills and repealing a landmark law regulating how banks could buy and sell securities.

    Predictably, many borrowers are now defaulting on their loans, meaning losses for financial institutions that hold mortgages and mortgage-backed securities. The Fed responded with what author Naomi Klein calls disaster capitalism — the age-old practice of using a crisis to enrich corporate interests. In this case, the Fed is using the housing emergency to justify giving taxpayer cash to Wall Street in exchange for its worthless mortgages.

    “What the Fed really did was lend money to banks and accept the counterfeit currency as collateral, treating it just as though it were real money,” says Dean Baker, the co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research.

    But this is not only disaster capitalism, it is also Big Boy Bailout-ism — the kind we’ve become accustomed to since the savings and loan scandal of the 1980s. It is an ideology that rewards wealthy political donors for irresponsible behavior and ignores the real victims.

    If you are a banking executive whose risky loans go bad, your industry’s campaign donations get you Big Boy Bailout-ism that makes taxpayers “take the bad loans off the banks’ books,” as one financial analyst gushed this week. If you are a regular Joe who can’t pay your home loan, you get foreclosed on.

    The Fed’s scheme also embraces Feed-the-Beast-ism — an ideology that prescribes pumping taxpayer money into a crisis, rather than demanding reforms.

    Confronting an energy and climate emergency, Republicans’ answer was not massive alternative energy investments, but a 2005 energy bill giving tax breaks to the carbon-belching fossil fuel companies that finance the GOP. In the face of a health care catastrophe, the Bush administration’s 2003 Medicare bill didn’t crack down on pharmaceutical industry profiteering, but instead created a system that effectively subsidizes drug industry campaign donors. The list of examples goes on, and now includes the housing crisis.

    The Fed’s action says the solution to the credit crunch is not to re-regulate the banking industry or force it to clean house, but to loan Wall Street your hard-earned taxpayer money, allowing the same destructive system to remain and permitting the same vultures to stay in their jobs — and, of course, to keep writing big campaign checks.

    But worst of all is the Trickle Down-ism. For three decades, our government has said economic challenges can be solved with tax cuts for the wealthy — the same people who, not coincidentally, underwrite political campaigns. Trickle Down-ism claims that the wealthy will spend the tax cuts and the benefits will “trickle down” to us commoners.

    It’s the same nonsense with housing today. The root of the financial crisis is mortgage defaults — brought on, in part, by Trickle Down-ism’s original failure to raise wages. Yet, rather than help borrowers pay or restructure their mortgages, the government is covering the banks’ losses, claiming that aid will eventually “trickle down” and benefit the rest of us.

    During the Great Depression, Eleanor Roosevelt said, “We need not fear any isms if our democracy is achieving the ends for which it was established.” It’s the “if” part that has become the problem.

    Posted in Politics, Uncategorized | Tagged: , , | 6 Comments »

    Resisting the Empire

    Posted by kandylini on March 22, 2008

    http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5087

    Victories are within sight for people in a growing number of nations where communities that host U.S. foreign military bases have long fought to get rid of them.

    Ecuador’s decision not to renew the U.S. lease for the forward operating base at Manta (see Yankees Head Home) is the culmination of just one of many long-term and recently initiated community-based and national struggles to remove these military installations that are often sources of crime and demeaning human rights violations. A growing alliance among anti-bases movements in countries around the world, including the United States, is preventing the creation of new foreign military bases, restricting the expansion of others, and in some cases may win the withdrawal of the military bases, installations and troops that are essential to U.S. wars of intervention and its preparations for first-strike nuclear attacks.

    The Challenge

    Of course, there is still plenty of bad news. The Bush Administration is currently negotiating what is, in essence, a security treaty with the Maliki puppet government in Baghdad to secure one of the principle Bush-Cheney war aims: permanent military bases for tens of thousands of U.S. troops. The goal is to transform Iraq into an U.S. unsinkable aircraft carrier in the heart of the oil-rich Middle East. Unfortunately, the plan for Iraq is only one part of the vast and expanding U.S. infrastructure of nearly 1,000 military bases and installations strategically scattered around the world.

    Across Asia, in Japan, another Marine has raped an Okinawan school girl, traumatizing yet another life and temporarily shaking the foundations of the U.S.-Japan military alliance. Under the guise of a “Visiting Force Agreement,” U.S. troops have returned to the Philippines where they are deployed from “temporary” and unconstitutional military bases. In the Indian Ocean, Chagossian people were removed from Diego Garcia to make way for massive U.S. military bases; they have won all of their legal appeals but still can’t return home. In Central Europe, the Bush Administration is pressing deployment of first strike-related “missile defense” bases in the Czech Republic and Poland. Russia has countered by threatening to target the bases with nuclear weapons, and opposition to “missile defense.” In response to this renewed Cold War, opposition to “missile defense” weaponry is building in public squares and in parliaments throughout the region. And, as he recently traveled across Africa, President George W. Bush was met with near universal opposition to his plans for further military colonization of the continent in the form of moving the Pentagon’s Africa Command headquarters from Europe to the oil and resource-rich continent.

    The Bush Administration and Pentagon are “reconfiguring” the U.S. global network of more than 750 foreign military bases to impose what Vice President Dick Cheney termed in a New Yorker interview as “the arrangement for the 21st century.” This imperial “arrangement” is increasingly being met with opposition in “host” nations and the United States alike, and victories by allied movements are within reach.

    How We Got Here

    For more than a century, the United States has been building an unrivaled global structure of nearly foreign fortresses. Located on every continent and at sea, these military bases and installations provide an infrastructure from which invasions and nuclear wars can be launched. They enforce an unjust and often violent status quo, influence the politics and diplomacy of “host” nations, secure privileged access to oil and other natural resources, encircle enemies, “show the flag,” and more recently have served as prisons operating outside the restrictions of U.S. and international law.

    These bases violate democratic values in other ways. When the United States was founded, the Declaration of Independence decried the “abuses and usurpations” caused by King George having “kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies.” Since then, “abuses and usurpations” inherent in the presence of foreign “Standing Armies” have become far more dangerous. Their demeaning and disruptive impacts include:

    • Undermining the sovereignty of “host” nations
    • Militarizing and colonizing the “host” nation’s culture
    • Assaulting democracy and human rights
    • Seizing people’s private property and damaging their homes
    • Violently abusing and dehumanizing women and girls
    • Causing life-endangering military accidents and crimes that are rarely punished
    • Terrorizing low-altitude training flights and night-landing exercises
    • Polluting with military toxics

    Since the Cold War ended, U.S. presidents and the Pentagon have worked to “reconfigure” the architecture of this military infrastructure to address changing geopolitical realities, technological “advances,” and growing resistance to the presence of foreign bases. With agility, flexibility and speed being given priority in U.S. military operations, bases are being transformed into hubs, forward operating bases, and “lily pads” for invasions and foreign military interventions.

    The other axis of reconfiguration is geographic. As U.S. forces have been forced out of Saudi Arabia, and with U.S. geostrategic priorities turning away from Europe and toward China, Washington has concentrated its military build up elsewhere in the Persian Gulf nations, Asia and the Pacific.

    Tipping Points

    In a number of countries, the reconfiguration has not proceeded as smoothly as anticipated:

    Iraq

    As Major General Robert Pollman explained in 2004, “It ma[de] a lot of sense” to “swap” U.S. bases in Saudi Arabia for new ones in Iraq. U.S. command and air bases located near the holy cities of Mecca and Medina incensed many Muslims and were among Osama Bin Laden’s professed reasons for the 9-11 attacks. In the lead up to the 2003 invasion, many of the functions of these bases were moved to Qatar and Kuwait, and after the conquest, 110 bases were established across Iraq. To limit their political and military vulnerability, the Pentagon has been spending more than a $1 billion a year to consolidate them into 14 “enduring” and massive Air Force, Army and Marine bases in Baghdad and other strategic locations, In addition to helping secure U.S. control over Iraq, these bases contribute to encircling Iran, and they can be used for attacks across the Persian Gulf region and into oil-rich Central Asia.

    The Bush administration’s plans to saddle its successor with these bases and the continuing occupation by negotiating an agreement with the Maliki government hit unexpected road block. In addition to popular Iraqi opposition, U.S. peace movement organizations joined Rep. Bill Delahunt (D-MA) to prevent the unconstitutional imposition of what is essentially a treaty. The Delahunt hearings about the proposed commitment to defend the Baghdad government from internal and external enemies, the bases which are permanent in all but name, and privileged access to investment opportunities (read oil) for U.S. corporations forced Secretary of Defense Robert Gates to rhetorically back away from the open-ended security commitment to Baghdad. But his promises that the bases are “not permanent” are less credible.

    Nothing is officially “permanent,” of course. Not even the bases in Japan and Korea, which have been there for more than six decades, and not the Great Wall of China, or the pyramids of Egypt, which are slowly decaying.

    With opposition to the treaty and the permanent military bases now a defining issue between Democrats and Republicans, the U.S. peace movement has an important opening to press its demands for the immediate and total withdrawal from Iraq.

    AFRICOM

    U.S. planners anticipate that by 2015 Africa will provide the U.S. with 25% of its imported oil. With Islamist political forces operating across northern Africa, the continent is also seen as an important front in the misconceived “war on terrorism.” So, to “promote peace and stability on the continent” the Bush Administration and the Pentagon want to augment the U.S. military presence in Africa, beginning with the transfer of the Africa Command, AFRICOM, from remote Germany to an accommodating African nation. As President Bush learned during his recent ill-fated African tour, the continent’s leaders are understandably reluctant to accept renewed military colonization. Ghana’s President John Kufuour put it bluntly when he met with Bush, saying, “You’re not going to build any bases in Ghana.”

    Africa is not free of bases. France and Britain still have bases scattered there. The U.S. has bases in Djibouti and Algeria, access agreements with Morocco and Egypt, and is in the process of creating a “family” of military bases in sub-Saharan Africa (Cameroon, Guinea, Mali, Sao Tome, Senegal and Uganda.) And, although Bush responded to African fears about AFRICOM’s possible relocation by saying that such rumors were “baloney” and “bull,” he also conceded that: “We haven’t made our minds up.”

    With a growing No AFRICOM movement in the United States that’s that is allied with anti-colonialist forces in Africa, this is one U.S. threat that can be contained.

    Diego Garcia

    In the mid-1960s, in a quintessential act of European colonialism, all of Diego Garcia’s 2,000 inhabitants were forcefully removed from their homeland by British authorities to make way for massive U.S. air and naval bases. In an act of legal fiction, the island was separated from Mauritius on the eve of that island nation’s independence.

    Located in the Indian Ocean, Diego Garcia’s two-mile long runways have since been used to launch B-1 and B-52 attacks against Iraq and Afghanistan. Its stealth bomber hangars have recently been upgraded for possible strikes against Iran, and its submarine base is being refitted to serve Ohio-class submarines that can be used for both missile attacks and to secretly deploy Navy SEALS in Iran and other Persian Gulf nations.

    The Chagos people of Diego Garcia want to return home, ending their exile in Mauritius’ slums, where up to 90% are unemployed and live desperate lives. The base rests on colonial constructions. With the help of allies in London and around the world they attempted to return, but have been halted on the high seas. But their plight and struggle has wide and sympathetic media attention, especially as they have won one challenge after another in the British courts. The British House of Lords is to make a “final ruling,” but an end run in which Diego Garcia would be returned to Mauritius’ authority and the “rented” to Washington remains possible. Education about the plight and struggle of the people of Diego Garcia, beginning with the spring speaking tour of Chagos leader Olivier Bancoult, is the best way to prepare for the next round of this compelling struggle.

    Okinawa

    Since its 1945 bloody conquest in 1945, Okinawa has served as the principle bastion of U.S. military power in East Asia – even after its 1972 reversion to Japan. Sixty years after the end of World War II, nearly 45,000 U.S. troops, civilian staff, and their families are based on Air Force, Navy, Marine and Army bases that occupy 27% of the island prefecture. Okinawans have suffered nearly every imaginable military abuse: One quarter of its people were killed during the 1945 battle, many by Japanese soldiers. U.S. nuclear weapons have fallen off ships and into coastal fishing grounds. Shells and bullets from live fire exercises have slammed into people’s homes. Children, their grandmothers, base and service workers have suffered rapes that are too numerous to count. Land has been seized, and military accidents – including helicopters and their parts falling into students’ schools – are not uncommon.

    To pacify the nationwide outrage that followed the 1995 kidnapping and rape of a 12-year-old Okinawan school girl in 1995, Washington and Tokyo agreed to reduce, not remove, the size of the U.S. footprint on Okinawa. With the U.S.-Japan alliance hanging in the balance, the Status of Forces Agreement was revised to accord the Japanese courts greater authority over crimes by G.I.s, and a plan was developed to move half of the 16,000 Marines – the greatest source of G.I. crime – to Guam largely at Japan’s expense. Several bases were consolidated and Washington agreed to move the Futemna Air Base, in Ginowan’s city center, to a more remote part of the island. This leaves the massive Air Force, Naval and Marine bases still occupying a quarter of the prefecture.

    Inspired by respected elders, the people of Henoko, the coastal site to which Futnema’s functions were to be transferred, have put up a stiff resistance. To prevent the militarization of their community and the destruction of the reef on which the new air base is to be built, they have built alliances with peace activists and environmentalists around the world. Their focus has been to prevent destruction feeding grounds for dugongs (large, gentle sea mammals similar to manatees) that became the symbol of their movement. They have also conducted months-long sit-ins and taken their case to court. A California appeal court recently confirmed their environmental claims, and the relocation process stalled.

    Within weeks of this court victory, Marines raped a 14-year-old Okinawan school girl and a Filipina woman sparking renewed outrage across Okinawa and Japan. In the “Message from the Women of Okinawa” that followed, the U.S. military and the world were notified that the days when “so many rape victims…told no one and wept silently in their beds…are now over.” Their message is clear, “Go back to America. Now.”

    With Washington and Tokyo focused on “containing” China, it will be years before the last G.I. returns from Okinawa. In the meantime, we can provide critical support to women and men who are courageously and nonviolently campaigning to defend their lives, their families, their communities, and nature itself. The base at Henoko must not be built. The base in Futenma must be closed. It is past time to bring all the Marines home.

    Guam

    Guam is not home. Located in the North Pacific and conquered by the United States from Spain in 1898, it has long served as a U.S. stepping stone to Asia. Nominally it is not a U.S. colony, but an “unincorporated territory” with a nonvoting delegate in Congress. Throughout the Cold War, U.S. air and naval bases occupied the island’s best agricultural lands, water sources and fishing grounds. Now the abuses and usurpations are becoming much worse.

    Since the nonviolent 1995 Okinawan uprising, the Pentagon has been preparing for the day when it is finally forced to withdraw from Okinawa and Japan. Thus Guam is being transformed in to a military “hub.” Already large enough to accommodate B-52 and stealth bombers, Andersen Air Force Base is being expanded to serve as “the most significant U.S. Air Force base in the Pacific region for this century.” More submarines are being homeported in its harbor, and the Navy is considering homeporting an aircraft carrier strike force there is well. Then, there are those Marines from Okinawa. Understandably, Guam’s tiny Chamorro population feels besieged. In the traditions of U.S., Israeli and South African settler colonialism, it is “cowboys and Indians all over again.” We have a responsibility to prevent this cultural genocide.

    Europe

    The Cold War never really ended in Europe. An estimated 380 U.S. nuclear weapons are still based in seven European nations, and most of the 100,000 troops deployed across Western Europe remain there. But Pentagon campaigns to deploy misnamed “missile defenses” in the Czech Republic and Poland and to expand the Aviano Air Base in Italy are leading hundreds of thousands of Europeans into the streets.

    The missile defense system is ostensibly modest. A missile tracking radar is to be installed in the Czech Republic, and ten interceptor missiles are to be sited in Poland, reportedly to defend Europe from Iranian missiles that have not been deployed. In fact, this is the tip of the iceberg. Russia properly fears that, once deployed, the missile defense system will be greatly expanded with the goal of neutralizing Moscow’s missile forces, leaving Russia vulnerable to U.S. first strike attacks. In response, President Vladimir Putin has menacingly threatened to target nuclear weapons against the Czechs and Poles.

    Opinion polls indicate that most Czechs oppose the missile defense deployments and want to hold a referendum to block them. Many NATO leaders are angry that the U.S. circumvented the European Union’s decision-making process, and protests spearheaded by the U.S. Campaign for Peace and Democracy greeted Czech Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek when he recently visited the United States. With many leading congressional Democrats also opposed to these dangerous deployments, missile defenses can be stopped.

    Finally, there is Italy where, unexpectedly, hundreds of thousands of citizens turned out to protest the expansion of the U.S. Air Base at Aviano (which also hosts U.S. nuclear weapons.) Dissent over the base expansion nearly toppled the Prodi government in 2007, and it will remain the focus of European and U.S. anti-bases campaigns.

    Resistance

    In response to popularly based movements to win the withdrawal of unwanted U.S. foreign military bases, an incipient U.S. anti-bases movement is emerging. It includes organizations as diverse as the American Friends Service Committee, and the Southwest Workers Union, the United for Peace and Justice coalition, and scholars who are moving from studying military bases to working for their withdrawal.

    Four increasingly integrated U.S. anti-bases networks have developed in recent years, spurred in part by the development of the global “No Military Bases Network” in World Social Forums and the global Network’s formal inauguration in Quito, Ecuador at a conference last year that brought together four hundred activists from forty nations. The U.S. networks are currently organizing April speaking tours featuring Olivier Bancoult from Diego Garcia, Terri Keko’olani from Hawaii, Jan Tamas and the Czech Republic, and Andreas Licata from Italy. And a national U.S. “No Foreign Military Bases” conference is in its early planning stages.

    Joseph Gerson, a contributor to Foreign Policy In Focus (www.fpif.org), is director of programs of the American Friends Service Committee in New England. His books include The Sun Never Sets…Confronting the Network of U.S. Foreign Military Bases, (South End Press, 1991) and Empire and the Bomb: How the U.S. Uses Nuclear Weapons to Dominate the World (Pluto Press, 2007).

    Posted in Politics, Uncategorized | Tagged: , | 1 Comment »

    Recommended Service of the Week: ixquick search engine

    Posted by kandylini on March 22, 2008

    http://www.ohmproject.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=35&Itemid=1

    Big commercial search engines are not free.  They collect as much personal information about you as possible every time you log on, they collect your searches, they analyze them, and they find ways to make money from that information.

    The worst is Google.  Privacy International (PDF) provided privacy rankings for major search engines and other widely used sites like MySpace and YouTube.  At the bottom was Google that PI ranked as absolutely hostile toward its customers’ privacy.

    Ixquick is different.  The core of their privacy policy is a commitment to delete information about your searches within 48 hours.  Their policy has been reviewed favorably by a long list of computer experts, including those published in CNET, ZDNet, the London Guardian and the New York Times.

    Here’s what the Guardian had to say :

    The bad news is that Google – which supplies AOL’s search results – has all that information and more. If you use Google’s Gmail, address book, calendar, maps and other services, it could even tie your search data to things you are really doing. By the way, Google also knows which other websites you visit, if they use AdWords, and when.

    Google’s argument for collecting and storing all this invasive data is that it can provide better search results and, particularly, better targeted advertisements. The ads are how Google makes its billions. But trading privacy risks for better advertising sounds like a bad deal for users.

    One answer is to delete the cookies that Google and other search engines (which are mostly as bad, or worse) put on your hard drive, and do searches via an anonymous proxy, so the search engine cannot tie them to your internet address. Another is to switch to search engines that say they don’t record user data. Examples include ixquick (www.ixquick.com/) and Clusty (http://clusty.com).

    I’ve been using ixquick.com and found that not only does it have a better privacy policy, but its power search options and interface are more advanced and user friendly than Google.  We recommend that you give it a try.

    Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged: , , , | Leave a Comment »

    Feds Tout New Domestic Intelligence Centers

    Posted by kandylini on March 22, 2008

    http://blog.wired.com/27bstroke6/2008/03/feds-tout-new-d.html

    Federal, state and local cops are huddling together in domestic intelligence dens around the nation to fuse anti-terror information and tips in ways they never have before, and they want the American people to know about it — sort of.

    Some of the nation’s top law enforcement and anti-terror officials got together to hold press briefings Tuesday and Wednesday mornings at the second annual National Fusion Center conference held in San Francisco.

    Homeland Security Under Secretary Charlie Allen, formerly of the CIA, described how sharing threat assessments, and even the occasional raw intel, with the new fusion centers marks a cultural shift from the Cold War era. Back then, spies treated everyone, other departments and agencies included, as suspicious.

    “Things have changed remarkably in Washington. We are talking to each other,” Allen said Tuesday. “I am from the shadows of the CIA where in the Cold War, we followed a different model. That model does not apply for the kinds of threats we have today that are borderless. The threats are so different and so remarkably dangerous for our citizens.”

    The fifty or so U.S. fusion centers are where the federal, state and local cops share intelligence, sift data for clues, run down reports of suspicious packages and connect dots in an effort to detect and thwart terrorism attacks, drug smuggling and gang fighting.

    russellporter

    Iowa’s fusion center director Russell Porter ran the sparsely attended press conference, flanked by FBI intelligence director Tracy Reinhold, DHS civil liberties officer David Gersten and the Justice Department’s privacy officer Kenneth Mortenson.(L to R)
    Photo: Ryan Singel/Wired.com

    Privacy and civil liberties groups are increasingly suspicious of the fusion centers, but state and local officials have complained for years that the feds don’t share any useful information. The 9/11 Commission agreed, blaming the CIA and FBI’s lack of information-sharing for wasted chances to stop the airline hijackings. The commission strongly urged they change their ways and put holes in so-called “stove pipes.” And in 2007, the Democrats boosted fusion centers’ stature and funding in the first bill they passed after taking control of Congress.

    More than $130 million federal dollars have fed the development of the fusion centers in locations as diverse as Kansas and Northern California.On Tuesday, San Francisco police chief Heather Fong said the information flow was getting better, especially around big events being held in the city.

    “When we get information, it’s not how much can we amass and keep to ourselves,” Fong said. “It’s how much information can we obtain but appropriately share so that it positively assists others in doing their jobs around the country and the world.”

    The dominant catchphrase from the officials was that the centers need to focus on “all threats, all hazards.” That means that the fusion centers would be working on immigration, radicalization, demographic changes, hurricanes, biological and chemical threats, as well as common criminal activity. Officials say the centers must look at even the most mundane crimes, since they can be used to fund terrorism.

    By way of example, Los Angeles police chief Bratton cites the investigation of a string of gas station stick-ups in L.A. in 2005. The robbery investigation led to the prosecution of militant Muslim convicts who were planning attacks on synagogues. That, Bratton said, illustrates why these intelligence centers need to be analyzing run-of-the-mill crimes.

    “Information that might seem innocuous may have some connection to terrorism,” Bratton said.

    But critics say that “all hazards, all threats” approach sounds suspiciously like the government is building a distributed domestic intelligence service that could easily begin keeping tabs on Americans exercising their First Amendment rights. The scope also seems at odds with the federal government’s Information Sharing Environment guidelines, which say these centers are supposed to focus on terrorism.

    California’s Anti-Terrorism Information Center admitted to spying on anti-war groups in 2003. And Denver’s police department built their own secret spy files on Quakers and 200 other organizations.

    Earlier this year, the ACLU issued a warning report about Fusion Centers, complete with an interactive fusion center map, earlier this year. The report, entitled What’s Wrong With Fusion Centers, cited concerns about military units operating in the centers, as well as the potential for scope creep and data mining. How, the group asked, can citizens contest information about themselves, given the patchwork of state, local and federal sunshine laws that may or may not apply.

    But in a conference keynote Tuesday, Congresswoman Jane Harman (D-California), a powerful force in intelligence matters and funding, pooh-poohed the ACLU’s concerns, and said she supported both fusion centers, and civil liberties.

    “I was frustrated when I met with the [ACLU] report authors and they could not point to a single instance of a fusion center violating someone’s civil rights or liberties,” Harman said. “In fact, state and local laws and protections in place at many fusion centers are more rigorous than their federal counterparts.”

    Tim Sparapani, the ACLU’s top legislative lawyer in D.C., bristled at Harman’s remakrs. “Our prognosticating track record in identifying programs ripe for abuse of privacy and civil liberties is pretty solid,” Sparapani wrote in an e-mail that listed several other programs that the ACLU correctly raised warning flags on.

    “That’s not luck,” he wrote. “It’s a trend based on seeing the surveillance industrial complex being built bit-by-bit and terabyte by terabyte. As sure as the sun rises in the east and sets in the west, if Fusion Centers aren’t built with rigid controls they will be privacy-invading monsters.

    The ACLU points to Virginia, where legislators are moving to exempt their fusion center from government sunshine laws and give legal immunity to companies that report information — such as the name of a person accosted by a private security guard for taking pictures of a skyscraper.

    On Wednesday, a trio of federal privacy and civil liberties officers, including the Department of Homeland Security’s chief privacy officer Hugo Teufel, promised they were working to make sure the centers respect citizens’ civil liberties and privacy.

    David Gersten, the director of the civil rights and civil liberties programs at DHS, said he was working to expand their training course for Fusion Center employees to “include an examination of the history of privacy and civil liberties as they relate to intelligence and criminal investigations.”

    That history includes the famous 1976 Church Committee report on the FBI’s notorious COINTELPRO spying program. The report warned in the introduction “Unless new and tighter controls are established by legislation, domestic intelligence activities threaten to undermine our democratic society and fundamentally alter its nature.

    THREAT LEVEL asked conference attendees about the concerns over expanding the dissemination of intelligence given the continuing trouble innocent Americans have trying to get off the nation’s unified terrorist watch list.

    Just this week, the Justice Department’s inspector general issued a watch list audit (.pdf), finding that FBI agents were watch-listing people who they weren’t even investigating. Moreover, since those names were added through a back channel, there was no scheduled review or follow-up to take them off the watch list.

    Leonard Boyle, who runs the Terrorist Screening Center that curates and runs the watch list, said those problems are being fixed.

    “We have streamlined our processes so [...] we avoid delays in amending nominations or removing people who ought to be removed because they are no longer suspected of having a nexus to terrorism,” Boyle said.

    Also present at the conference was Ambassador Thomas McNamara who now works at the Director of National Intelligence Office. McNamara’s group is working on custom-built XML schemes, such as a standard for Suspicious Activity Reports. The idea is have all fusion centers and intelligence agencies using the same data format, to more easily share, search, sort and store intelligence data.

    Surprisingly, a total of only three reporters showed up over two days of the conference to hear from the officials. THREAT LEVEL was the only media outlet to show up both days.

    Despite journalists taking up only two of the fifty or so chairs, officials stuck with the formality of a press conference. Each day six to eight officials stood in a semicircle flanking the lectern and took turns issuing short remarks. After each set of speeches, the director of the Iowa fusion center and designated emcee Russell Porter allowed for a handful of questions from the two-reporter audience.

    And as for information sharing, the conference’s openness extended only so far, and the press was not allowed into sensitive sessions such as “How to Generate Suspicious Activity Reporting” and “Commanders and Analysts: Sharing Perspectives.”

    Government employees manning an informational booth for the Director of National Intelligence’s OpenSource.gov website refused to even describe the program, saying they would need to call in a press minder.

    The website seems to indicate that the program is a way for the government to share intel reports composed by analysts who read international newspapers and watch TV stations from around the world.

    THREAT LEVEL guessed we would not be able to sign up for the email blasts, due to our propensity to share information with the public. The taciturn DNI employees confirmed that fact, adding that they also couldn’t share the information from OpenSource.gov due to copyright issues.

    See Also:

    Posted in Politics, Uncategorized | Tagged: , , | Leave a Comment »

    FDA investigates Kerman dairy

    Posted by kandylini on March 22, 2008

    http://www.fresnobee.com/business/story/477117.html

    Two employees questioned by feds in raw milk probe.

    On the same day it won a court victory against state regulators of raw milk, a Kerman dairy found itself at the center of an investigation by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration.

    Two employees of Organic Pastures Dairy Co. were questioned by federal agents Wednesday after being subpoenaed to appear before a grand jury in U.S. District Court in Fresno on April 3.

    Hours before the employees were questioned, the dairy won a favorable court ruling that temporarily stopped enforcement of a state law calling for tighter restrictions on bacteria levels in milk.

    Superior Court Judge Harry J. Tobias in San Benito County issued a temporary restraining order that prohibits enforcement of Assembly Bill 1735, which set a 10 coliform-per-milliliter standard.

    Organic Pastures and another raw milk producer, Claravale Farms Inc. in San Benito County, had filed a suit against the California Department of Food and Agriculture saying the limits would put them out of business.

    The state can continue testing for coliform levels but cannot enforce the standard until at least April 25, when a hearing will be held on whether to impose a preliminary injunction or lift the temporary restraining order.

    Steve Lyle, a CDFA spokesman, said the judge ruled that the state failed to produce evidence that showed a link between coliform levels and a threat to public health.

    “We plan to present the evidence the judge is seeking on April 25,” Lyle said.

    Told of the federal investigation, Lyle said, “A federal grand jury operates well outside our sphere.”

    Mark E. Cullers, an assistant U.S. attorney in Fresno, did not return calls seeking comment.

    Mark McAfee, a principal in the Organic Pastures dairy, said he believes federal investigators are looking into his company’s sale of raw milk outside the state. McAfee said his dairy does sell to other states but only for pet consumption.

    Mike Herndon, an FDA spokesman, said federal regulation prohibits the interstate sale of any unpasteurized milk product “in final package form, intended for human consumption.”

    Herndon said the FDA made a number of findings regarding raw milk, including that “raw milk, no matter how carefully produced, may be unsafe.” However, he said some states, including California, permit its sale for human consumption.

    The subpoenaed employees, Amanda Hall and Lizbeth Valdes, said they were questioned at their homes by two FDA agents Wednesday. Hall was served two weeks ago with a subpoena, and Valdes received hers on Wednesday.

    Both said the agents questioned them about shipping dairy products out of state.

    Hall said the agents asked her whether she would be willing to wear a concealed recording device at work, particularly when speaking with McAfee. She said she would not.

    Ken Gorman, a lawyer representing the two dairies in their challenge to the state, said they had “absolutely no awareness” of any impending FDA investigation. “There was no informal contact, no inquiry of Organic Pastures management or their counsel,” he said.

    “Our exchanges with state officials have been open, and there has been a dialogue between state inspectors and the dairies,” said Gorman, who is with the law firm of Lombardo and Gilles, which has offices in Salinas and Hollister. “We’re very willing to talk about any subject and find it surprising that the government deems it necessary to seek information secretively and without having the courtesy to contact counsel or the higher ups” at Organic Pastures.

    Asked whether shoppers might be consuming raw milk that is labeled “for pet food consumption only,” McAfee replied, “It’s not up to us to decide what people do in the privacy of their own home. We have a constitution that protects that. If people want to eat cat food or dog food, that’s up to them.

    “In Australia, raw milk is sold as Cleopatra’s Bath Milk for bathing. I had some of it in Melbourne two years ago. It was very good. But we are obligated to label our products properly and we do so.”

    McAfee said his dairy ships raw milk products to all the other states as well as abroad to countries that include Malaysia and Thailand.

    A 4-inch-square label on the products sold outside the state includes a reference to FDA regulations and states that the dairy “does not take orders or ship any raw dairy products for ‘human consumption’ outside the State of California. All out of state product sales are labeled and intended for [in larger type]: ‘Pet Food’ consumption only.”

    In smaller type, the label states: “The quality and safety of this ‘pet food’ product is identical to what is offered to consumers in the California retail market.”

    About 5% or less of Organic Pastures’ sales are out of state, McAfee said.

    McAfee said he worked with FDA four years ago when the agency was investigating the dairy. He said FDA representatives didn’t like the sticker, and he and his attorney worked with them to reword it.

    “They left, and we haven’t heard anything from them since,” he said. “We have been doing it for four years now and a couple years prior. I am doing absolutely everything legally. And if I’m doing something illegally, I’d like to know so I can change it.”

    Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged: , , | Leave a Comment »

    The Revolution will not be pasteurized

    Posted by kandylini on March 22, 2008

    Inside the raw-milk underground

    http://www.freewebs.com/bovinity/articlefromharpers.htm

    By Nathanael Johnson

    The agents arrived before dawn.

    They concealed the squad car and police van behind trees, and there, on the road that runs past Michael Schmidt’s farm in Durham, Ontario, they waited for the dairyman to make his move. A team from the Ministry of Natural Resources had been watching Schmidt for months, shadowing him on his weekly runs to Toronto. Two officers had even infiltrated the farmer’s inner circle, obtaining for themselves samples of his product. Lab tests confirmed their suspicions. It was raw milk. The unpasteurized stuff. Now the time had come to take him down.

    Schmidt had risen that morning at 4 A.M. He milked his cows and ate breakfast. He loaded up a delivery, then fired up the bus. But as he reached the end of the driveway, two cars moved in to block his path. A police officer stepped into the road and raised his hand. Another ran to the bus and banged on the door. Others were close behind. Eventually twenty-four officers from five different agencies would search the farm. Many of them carried guns.

    “The farm basically flooded, from everywhere came these people,” Schmidt later told me in his lilting German accent. “It looked like the Russian army coming, all these men with earflap hats. ” The process of heating milk to kill bacteria has been common for nearly a century, and selling unpasteurized milk for human consumption is currently illegal in Canada and in half the U.S. states. Yet thousands of people in North America still seek raw milk.

    Some say milk in its natural state keeps them healthy; others just crave its taste. Schmidt operates one of the many black market networks that supply these raw-milk enthusiasts. Schmidt showed men in biohazard suits around his barn, both annoyed and amused by the absurdity of the situation. The government had known that he was producing raw milk for at least a dozen years, yet an officer was now informing him that they would be seizing all the “unpasteurized product” and shuttling it to the University of Guelph for testing.

    In recent years, raids of this sort have not been unusual. In October 2006, Michigan officials destroyed a truckload of Richard Hebron’s unpasteurized dairy. The previous month, the Ohio Department of Agriculture shut down Carol Schmitmeyer’s farm for selling raw milk. Cincinnati cops also swooped in to stop Gary Oaks in March 2006 as he unloaded raw milk in the parking lot of a local church. When bewildered residents gathered around, an officer told them to step away from “the white liquid substance.”

    The previous September an undercover agent in Ohio asked Amish dairyman Arlie Stutzman for a jug of unpasteurized milk. Stutzman refused payment, but when the agent offered to leave a donation instead, the farmer said he could give whatever he thought was fair. Busted.

    If the police actions against Schmidt and other farmers have been overzealous, they are nevertheless motivated by a real threat. The requirement for pasteurization— heating milk to at least 161 degrees Fahrenheit for fifteen seconds— neutralizes such deadly bacteria as Campylobacter jejuni, Listeria monocytogenes, Escherichia coli, and salmonella.

    Between 1919, when only a third of the milk in Massachusetts was pasteurized, and 1939, when almost all of it was, the number of outbreaks of milk-borne disease fell by nearly 90 percent. Indeed, pasteurization is part of a much broader security cordon set up in the past century to protect people from germs. Although milk has a special place on the watch list (it’s not washable and comes out of apertures that sit just below the orifice of excretion), all foods are subject to scrutiny. The thing that makes our defense against raw milk so interesting, however, is the mounting evidence that these health measures also could be doing us great harm.

    Over the past fifty years, people in developed countries began showing up in doctors’ offices with autoimmune disorders in far greater numbers. In many places, the rates of such conditions as multiple sclerosis, type 1 diabetes, and Crohn’s disease have doubled and even tripled. Almost half the people living in First World nations now suffer from allergies. It turns out that people who grow up on farms are much less likely to have these problems.

    Perhaps, scientists hypothesized, we’ve become too clean and aren’t being exposed to the bacteria we need to prime our immune systems. What we pour over our cereal has become the physical analogue of this larger ideological struggle over microbial security. The very thing that makes raw milk dangerous, its dirtiness, may make people healthier, and pasteurization could be cleansing beneficial bacteria from milk.

    The recent wave of raw-milk busts comes at a time when new evidence is invigorating those who threaten to throw open our borders to bacterial incursion. Public-health officials are infuriated by the raw milkers’ sheer wrongheadedness and inability to correctly interpret the facts, and the raw milkers feel the same way about them. Milk as it emerges from the teat, it seems, is both panacea and poison.

    Schmidt responded to the raid on his farm by immediately going on a hunger strike. For a month he consumed nothing but a glass of raw milk a day. He milked a cow on the lawn outside Ontario’s provincial parliament. This was a battle, he said, for which he was prepared to lose his farm. He was ready to go to jail. Actually, he’d been awaiting arrest for more than a decade. For all that time, he told me, he’d carried a camera with him so that he could take pictures when the authorities finally came to shut him down. “And I upgraded. You know, first it was still, then video, then digital came along.”

    The fifty-three-year-old Schmidt doesn’t have the demeanor of a rabblerouser. His temperament, in fact, is not unlike that of the cows he tends. A large man, he moves deliberately, reacts placidly to provocation. He has thin blond hair, light-blue eyes, and pockmarked cheeks. On the farm he invariably wears black jeans, a white shirt, and a black vest. In the summer he dons a broad-brimmed straw hat; in the winter, a black newsboy’s cap.

    When Schmidt emigrated from Germany in 1983, he wanted to start a farm that would operate in a manner fundamentally different from that of the average industrial dairy. Instead of lodging his cows in a manure-filled lot, he would give them abundant pastures. Instead of feeding them corn and silage, he’d give them grass. And instead of managing hundreds of anonymous animals to maximize the return on his investment, he would care for about fifty cows and maximize health and ecological harmony. If he kept the grasses and cows and pigs and all the components of the farm’s ecosystem healthy, he believed the bacterial ecosystem in the milk would be healthy, too.

    Schmidt bought 600 acres three hours northwest of Toronto. There he built up a herd of Canadiennes, handsome brown-and-black animals with black-tipped horns. Most cattle farmers burn off the horn buds— a guarantee against being gored —but Schmidt believes it’s better to leave things in their natural state whenever possible.

    The dangers posed by the horns (like the dangers of drinking unpasteurized milk) weighed less heavily on him than the risk of disrupting some unknown element of nature’s design. The farm flourished under his hand. Schmidt set up a cow-share system whereby, instead of purchasing raw dairy, customers leased a portion of a cow and paid a “boarding fee” when they picked up milk. People were technically drinking milk from their own cows. The animals were, for all practical purposes, still Schmidt’s property, but the scheme made the defiance of the law less flagrant, and health officials could look the other way. Then, in 1994, the Canadian Broadcasting Company aired a documentary about Schmidt and his unpasteurized product.

    A few months later he was charged with endangering the public health.

    Because Schmidt believed that his style of biodynamic farming actually secured the public health, he decided to fight the charges. Newspapers began quoting him on the salubrious powers of raw milk and the detriments of industrial dairy. At this time, strange things started happening around the farm. Vandals broke into his barn. Schmidt found two of his cows lying dead in the yard, apparently poisoned. Then an unmarked van ran his cousin’s car off the road. Men jumped out of the van’s back and forced him inside, holding him there for two hours.

    Schmidt hadn’t been prepared for the struggle to take this turn. He sent his cousin back to Germany, agreed to plead guilty in court, and sold all but 100 acres of his farm to pay the government fines and cover his lost income.

    Schmidt is a man of Teutonic certainty, but as he walked into the field soon after he’d sold the land, he was filled with doubt. The morning sun had turned the sky red, and mist hung around the legs of the cattle. While he twitched a stick at his bull, Xamos, to turn him away from the cows, Schmidt wondered whether it was even possible to run a farm in the manner he wanted. If he started selling his milk at industrial prices it would erode his meticulous style of farming. He would lose the direct connection to his customers. He’d have to push his cows to produce more milk. He’d be compelled to adopt the newest feed management strategies and modernize his equipment.

    Schmidt didn’t see Xamos coming, just felt the explosion as the bull struck him. Even as he hit the ground, the animal was on him, bellowing. It stabbed with one horn and then the other, tearing up the earth and ripping off Schmidt’s clothes. One horn sank into Schmidt’s belly, another ripped into his chest and shoulder, grazing a lung. Only when his wife charged into the field, flanked by the couple’s snarling dogs, did Xamos retreat. Another man might have taken this attack as a sure sign, a demonstration of the folly of seeking harmony with nature. As Schmidt lay there bleeding into the earth, however, he felt only humility. “Nature is dangerous, yes,” he would tell me later. “But I can’t control it, and I can’t escape from it. I can only learn the best way to live with it.”

    By the time Schmidt could walk again, almost six weeks later, he’d decided to continue farming on his own terms. He announced his intentions publicly, but the regulators must have felt that they’d made their point. For years he continued farming quietly, as an outlaw, until the morning that government agents descended on his dairy. After the hunger strike and the other public acts of protest, Schmidt settled in for the long fight. He hired a top defense lawyer in hopes of overturning Ontario’s raw-milk ban.

    In the twenty-five years that Schmidt has operated the dairy, no one has ever reported falling sick after drinking his milk. Yet raw-milk illnesses do crop up. According to the Centers for Disease Control, the United States averages seventy cases of raw-dairy food poisoning each year. In the fall of 2006, for instance,California officials announced that raw milk tainted with E. coli was responsible for a rash of illnesses. It is legal to sell unpasteurized dairy in California, and the tainted milk came from Organic Pastures, in Fresno, the largest of several farms that supply the state’s health-food stores. Tony Martin had agonized over buyingthe raw milk. He’d never brought it home before. He knew that milk was pasteurized for a reason, but he’d also heard that the raw stuff might help his son’s allergies. “There was a lot of picking it up off the shelf and putting it back,” he said. Chris, his seven-year old, drank the Organic Pastures milk three days in a row over a Labor Day weekend. On Wednesday, Chris woke up pale and lethargic. On Thursday he had diarrhea and was vomiting. That night he had blood in his stool, and the Martins rushed him to the hospital. Shortly afterward, several other children checked into southern California hospitals. All of them had drunk Organic Pastures raw-milk products, and they all were diagnosed as being infected with a virulent strain of E. coli known as O157:H7. Some of the children recovered rapidly, but two, Chris Martin and Lauren Herzog, got progressively worse.

    The O157:H7 strain releases a jet of toxins when it comes into contact with antibiotics, so doctors face the difficult decision of allowing nature to take its course or intervening and risking further damage. Chris’s doctors administered antibiotics, Lauren’s did not, yet both children’s kidneys shut down. While Chris was on dialysis, his body became so swollen that his father said he wouldn’t have recognizedhim if he passed him on the street. Chris was in the hospital fifty-five days. Lauren went home after a month but then relapsed and had to return. Both children eventually recovered but may have suffered permanent kidney damage.

    The illnesses didn’t stop raw-milk sales. Even as the state ordered store managers to destroy the milk on their shelves, customers rushed in to buy whatever they could. Several Organic Pastures customers said regulators had simply pinned unrelated illnesses on the milk. They pointed out that siblings and friends of the sick children had drunk the same milk from the same bottles and didn’t get so much as diarrhea.

    Tests for E. coli in one of the milk bottles in question had also turned up negative. Although it seemed implausible that the state would frame Mark McAfee, the owner of Organic Pastures, it certainly was possible that regulators were predisposed to declare raw milk guilty. When state veterinarians came to search Organic Pastures for E. coli, they were surprised to see that the manure they pulled from the cows’ rectums was watery and contained less bacteria than usual. Patrick Kennelly, chief of the food-safety section at the California Department of Health Services, confronted McAfee with these facts in an email, writing, “Not only is this unnatural, but it is consistent with the type of reactions that an animal might have after being treated with high doses of antibiotics. . . . Why were your cows in this condition, Mark?”

    McAfee does not use antibiotics on his organic farm. The state tests all shipments of his milk for antibiotics residue and has never found any. Allan Nation, a grazing expert, offered another explanation: the cows had been eating grass. Grass-fed cows carry a lower number of pathogens, he said. And for a few days in the spring and fall, when the weather changes and new grass sprouts, the cows “tend to squirt,” as Nation put it. But grass-eating cows have become so rare that, to California health officials, they seemed unnatural.

    The norms of industrial dairying had become so deeply ingrained that a regulator could jump to the conclusion that all milk is dirty until pasteurized. Around the time that Chicago passed the first pasteurization law in the United States, in 1908, many of the dairies supplying cities had themselves become urban. They were crowded, grass less, and filthy. Unscrupulous proprietors added chalk and plaster of paris to extend the milk.

    Consumptive workers coughed into their pails, spreading tuberculosis; children contracted diseases like scarlet fever from milk. Pasteurization was an easy solution. But pasteurization also gave farmerslicense to be unsanitary. They knew that if fecal bacteria got in the milk, the heating process would eventually take care of it. Customers didn’t notice, or pay less, when they drank the corpses of a few thousand pathogens. As a result, farmers who emphasized animal health and cleanliness were at a disadvantage to those who simply pushed for greater production.

    After a century of pasteurization, modern dairies, to put it bluntly, are covered in shit. Most have a viscous lagoon full of it. Cows lie in it. Wastewater is recycled to flush out their stalls. Farmers do dip cows’ teats in iodine, but standards mandate only that the number of germs swimming around their bulk tanks be below 100,000 per milliliter.

    When I was working as a newspaper reporter in Cassia County, Idaho, a local dairyman, Brent Stoker, had wanted to raise thousands of calves on his farm and sell them to dairies as replacements for their worn-out cows. Stoker’s neighbors, incensed by the idea of all that manure near their houses, stopped the project. Stoker wasn’t an especially dirty farmer—dairy associations showed off his farm on tours—but, to survive, dairies must produce a lot of milk, which means producing a lot of feces. I called Stoker recently, to talk dairy and catch up.

    He was in the middle of another fight with the neighbors. This time he wanted to build a large organic dairy. I said I hadn’t taken him for the organic type. “Pay me enough and I am,” he said. Organic may mean no antibiotics and no pesticides, but it doesn’t necessarily mean grass-fed. When it comes to making milk, grass-fed cows simply can’t compete. Stoker’s current herd of nonorganic cows produce a prodigious eighty pounds of milk per day. That’s mostly because they are fed like Olympic athletes. They eat a carefully formulated mix of roughage and highenergy grains. “If you were to try to pasture them, you’d lose production down to about forty pounds,” Stoker said. “Of course, the cow would last a lot longer.”

    Cows are designed to eat grass, not grain. Unlike mammals that can’t digest the cellulose in grass, ruminants are able to access the solar energy locked in a green pasture by enlisting the aid of microbes. These bacteria are cellulose specialists and turn grass into the nutrient building blocks that cud chewing animals need. In return, cows provide a place for bacteria to live—the rumen—and a steady supply of food. This relationship shifts when a cow begins eating grain. The cellulose specialists lose their place to bacteria better suited to the new food supply but not necessarily so well suited to the cow. The new bacteria give off acids, which in extreme conditions can send the animal into shock. Pushing too much high-energy feed through a cow can twist part of its stomach around other organs. This kink backs up the digestive flow to a trickle. The cow will stop eating, and sometimes you can see the knotted guts bulging under the skin. Other disorders also result from the combination of high-energy feeds and high production: abscessed liver, ulcerated rumen, rotten hooves, inflammation of the udders.

    It is in a farmer’s interest to keep a cow healthy—but not too healthy. If a dairyman decreased the grain portion of a cow’s rations to a level that eliminated health problems, he would lose money. A balance must be struck between health and yield. It’s not surprising, then, that farmers end up sending grain-fed cows off to the hamburger plant at a much younger age than their pastured counterparts. On average, dairy farmers slaughter a third of their herds each year. As Brent Stoker put it, “We’re mining the cow.”

    There are other bacterial opportunists that move in when a cow’s gastric environment is disturbed by a change in diet. Tired cows and ubiquitous feces combine to create conditions that are ideal for the transmission of pathogens. In a 2002 survey of American farms, the U.S. Department of Agriculture found Campylobacter in 98 percent of all dairies and E. coli O157:H7 on more than half of farms with 500 or more cows. When the milk at these large farms was tested, the researchers discovered salmonella in 3 percent of all bulk tanks and Listeria monocytogenes in 7 percent.

    If that milk were shipped to supermarkets without pasteurization, a lot of people would get sick. Healthy cows with plenty of energy are less likely to take on pathogens. I asked Stoker if he’d ever considered returning to a smaller, healthier style of farming. “If I had a way to provide for my six kids and have a comparable standard of living I would do that,” Stoker said. “The way it is now, I’m more stressed, the animals are more stressed, our crops are probably more stressed. There’s nothing I would like more than to go back to that, but I’m too stupid to figure out how.”

    The problem isn’t Stoker’s intelligence; it’s what he calls the “dishonesty of the market.” Advertisers promise that consumers can have the healthiest possible food from happy animals in idyllic settings at current prices. This obviously is a lie, but it’s a lie that most people accept. Although American consumers are periodically outraged by the realities of modern agriculture, they never stop demanding cheaper food.

    Stoker doesn’t mind playing the hand he’s been dealt. He’s good at producing cheap food. But, he acknowledged, “cheap food makes for expensive health care.”

    The people who buy from Michael Schmidt are atypical consumers. They pay a premium for food they believe will keep them healthy. In their estimation, Schmidt has a biological formula working for him that will be to their benefit. The elements of a dairy farm—the cows, plants, microbes, and humans—have been together long enough to have sorted out their differences. By working within this system, Schmidt can take advantage of some natural efficiencies.

    Although the life expectancy of a conventional dairy cow is a little under five years, Schmidt’s cows are eight, nine, and twelve years old; they are glossy-coated and solid on their feet. Schmidt told me that he hasn’t needed to have someone trim his cows’ hooves in fifteen years.

    The cows produce only around twenty-five pounds of milk daily, one third the production of Brent Stoker’s animals, but Schmidt doesn’t have to pay much for veterinary service. He doesn’t have to slap haunches to roust exhausted animals from their beds; his cows actually line up on their own for milking. There’s a little trick he likes to show off when it’s time for them to return from the fields.

    “Watch this,” Schmidt said, and he pulled open the door. The cows came jogging in, each one peeling out of line to take her place, unprompted, in the barn beneath a white placard bearing her name: ANNA, SOPHIA, CANTATE, LAURA.

    They buried their heads in the hay. He beamed. So far the microbes that end up in Schmidt’s milk have been benign, possibly beneficial. He says biodynamic farming doesn’t open up new niches for unfamiliar forms of bacteria, and it encourages the ones people have adapted to.

    It turns out that black-market buyers aren’t the only ones who think germ-infested milk is healthy. The yogurt giant Dannon has invested heavily in understanding the benefits of bacteria, and the company now sells dairy products stocked with healthy, or “probiotic,” microbes: DanActive, “an ally for your body’s defenses,” which comes in a small pill-shaped bottle and provides a dose of an organism owned in full by Dannon called L. casei Immunitas; Danimals, a more playfullypackaged bacteria-infused drink, designed to appeal to children; and Activia, a yogurt containing a bacterium the company has named Bifidus regularis, which “is scientifically proven to help with slow intestinal transit.” Both Michael Schmidt and Dannon may be working to reintroduce bacteria into the modern diet, but Schmidt labors under a principle of submission. He accepts the presence of unknown microbes and tries to make his customers healthy by keeping the creeks that run through his farm clean, by maintaining the stability of his ecosystem. In contrast, Dannon’s is a philosophy of mastery.

    Milk comes to Dannon’s Fort Worth processing plant in tanker trucks, arriving wild, full of its own diverse bacteria. It leaves the factory civilized and safe, in four-ounce cups. It takes a lot of machinery to accomplish this domestication: miles of stainless-steel pipes, huge fermentation vats, and dozens of white-frocked, hairnet-wearing workers. Although the process is intricate, the concept is simple: kill the bacteria, then add bacteria. Workers pasteurize the milk not once but twice. All yogurt is made when benign bacteria are mixed into milk.

    But Dannon also adds probiotic bacteria, and when I visited the plant last year, this is what Iasked to see. Dannon employees looked at one another nervously. The bacterial strains are proprietary, and so are the methods surrounding their use. My public relations minder, Michael Neuwirth, exchanged a few words with J. W. Erskin, the plant manager, then nodded.

    “We can see the place where it’s done,” Neuwirth said. The room was lined with freezers. Neuwirth opened one, and frost billowed out. Inside were stacks of what looked like one-quart milk cartons, encrusted with ice. “This is for Activia, right?” Neuwirth asked. “Yep,” Erskin said. “Regularis.” The Dannon workers explained that each carton contained thousands of tiny pellets consisting of frozen milk and bacteria. You can buy non-proprietary yogurt-making bacteria for about $40 a bottle from several suppliers. No one at Dannon would tell me the price of the company’s proprietary strains, but Erskin said, “When our little friends die, it’s very costly.”

    Workers wait for the moment when the milk reaches the ideal temperature, then add the bacteria. Lactobacillus bulgaricus, a yogurtmaking bacterium, acts first, converting sugar to acid; Streptococcus thermophilus is next. These prepare the substance for the probiotic strains. Every bacterial move is choreographed. Although the Dannon people wouldn’t show me how the healthy microbes fit into this process, they did take me next door, to the bottling room, where the precision continued, though in engineering rather than biochemistry.

    The most beautiful machine there was the one filling little bottles with DanActive. The bottles moved across the ceiling, propelled by compressed air along a metal track, halting, then scooting forward, like a line of penguins. When the bottles reached the machine, an auger caught them in its threads, sending them spinning in an endless line around gears and carousels. The machine cleaned the bottles with acid, zapped them with sterilizing UV light, filled, sealed, boxed, and stacked them—in scherzo—at 460 containers per minute.

    Erskin stood beside me, watching through the Plexiglas window.

    “It’s like a ballet,” he said. Dannon’s new lines of products lend some credibility to the claims of bacterial necessity made by Schmidt and other raw-milk advocates. Albeit cautiously, scientists have also begun weighing in on whether such technologies as pasteurization have purged necessary bacteria from our food. When I started talking to milk experts, several told me I needed to speak to Bruce German. A food chemist at U.C. Davis, German realized early in his career that if he could determine what a food perfectly suited to our DNA looked like, he would have a Rosetta Stone with which to solve the puzzle of dietary well-being. He would be able to examine each molecular component of this food to understand what it was doing to make people healthy. No plant would do as a model, since evolutionary pressure tends to favor plants that can avoid being eaten.

    The model food would be just the opposite: something that had evolved specifically to be a meal, something shaped by constant Darwinian selection to satisfy all the dietary needs of mammals. That Urfood, of course, is milk.

    The day I visited German, he was hosting a reception in honor of Agilent, a company that had helped develop a machine able to analyze oligosaccharides, sugar polymers found in breast milk. As we walked across the U.C. Davis campus, German brought me up to speed. He’s a slight, energetic man, with smile lines creased into his face. His excitement for his work is infectious. Oligosaccharides make up a large portion of human milk, in which they are about as abundant as proteins. The curious thing about them, German said, is that they are indigestible.

    Which means, he said, one hand chopping the air, that they are there to feed the bacteria living inside a baby’s gut, not to feed the baby. As far as scientists know, only one microbe thrives on this sugar, a bacterium named Bifidobacterium infantis that has a fairly unique genome.

    “There’s a lot of evidence that we coevolved with this organism,” German explained. “It’s really specialized to us and vice versa. Mothers recruit this entire life form to help the process of digestion.”

    Chemists have identified numerous other compounds in milk that are there not just to nourish babies but to create a specific microbial ecosystem. Lactoferrin,
    lysozyme, and lactoperoxidase kill off only harmful bacteria, not beneficial bacteria. (These selective bactericides, along with oligosaccharides, are also in cow’s milk, though in lower concentrations.) Consider, German said, what it means that milk, the model food, has evolved such a sophisticated chemical system that caters not to us but to our microbial friends. It means, he said, raising his eyebrows, that “bacteria are tremendously important to us”—so important that researchers studying the microbes living inside us say it’s unclear where our bodily functions end and the functions of microbes begin.

    By any rational measure, this world belongs to microbes. They were mastering the subtleties of evolution three billion years before the first multicellular organism appeared. They continue to evolve and adapt in a tiny fraction of the time it takes us to reproduce once. They flourish in polar ice caps, in boiling water, and amid radioactive waste. We exist only because some of them find us useful. Ninety percent of the cells in our bodies are bacteria. The entirety of human evolution has taken place in an environment saturated with microbes, and humans are so firmly adapted to the routine of sheltering allies and rebuffing enemies that the removal of either can devastate our defense systems.

    For the past century, however, we’ve done our best to wall ourselves off from microbes. In 1989, David Strachan put forward the “hygiene hypothesis,” which posed that this separation could be causing the increased incidence of immune disorders. As the years have passed, many studies have helped refine his proposal.

    Scientists found that hygiene itself wasn’t a problem. People who never used antibacterial soap were just as likely to have asthma as those who scrubbed obsessively. In a 2006 study of thousands of children living on farms in Shropshire, England, Strachan and another scientist, Michael Perkin, found that raw-milk drinkers were unlikely to have eczema or to react to allergens in skin-prick tests.

    “The protective effect of unpasteurized milk consumption was remarkably robust,” Strachan and Perkin wrote. Then, in May of 2007, a group of scientists published a paper after surveying almost 15,000 children around Europe. They found that children who drank raw milk were less likely to have any among a wide range of allergies. Either there’s something about industrial milk that’s harmful, Perkin wrote in a commentary that accompanied the paper, or there’s something in raw milk that’s beneficial.

    None of these findings mean that raw milk is safe. Every single study contains the caveat that raw milk often harbors pathogens. From an epidemiological perspective, Bruce German told me, advising raw-milk consumption at this point “would be crazy.”

    Health officials certainly should have a high level of confidence before approving anything risky. But in light of the new evidence, it was becoming harder to deny that something beneficial was being lost during pasteurization.

    And health officials also have an obligation to ensure that they are not outlawing what makes us healthy. Last March I drove to Fresno to meet Organic Pastures owner Mark McAfee and see how he had fared since the E. coli outbreak. The dairy is made up of a few prefabricated double-wide trailers on 450 acres of pasture extending out into the hazy flatness of California’s Central Valley.

    When I arrived, some 200 cows were chewing their cud on thirty shadeless acres of closely cropped grass. McAfee culls about 14 percent of his herd each year, far below the industry’s average but still above Schmidt’s. When you have fewer than fifty cows, like Schmidt, it’s different, McAfee said. “You have time to give each one a foot rub every night. You can do yoga with them every morning.”

    After walking through the dairy, we sat down in McAfee’s office. Lab results had found the exact same sub-strain of E. coli O157:H7 in almost all of the children who fell ill after drinking unpasteurized dairy. Yet McAfee remained unfazed. How did it help to show that the bacteria from each patient matched, he asked, when one patient, an eighteen-year-old in Nevada City, claimed he hadn’t drunk the milk? The disease trackers I talked to explained this by saying that sometimes germs move indirectly. Someone else in the family spills a little milk. You wipe it up. Then you wipe your mouth. But there was another theory I’d been hearing from scientists working to explain why O157:H7 had burst onto the scene in the 1980s with such virulence. Maybe, they said, it wasn’t that the bacteria had changed but that we had changed.

    In Brazil outbreaks of E. coli O157:H7 are unheard of, though the bacteria exist there. A pair of recent studies show that Brazilian women have antibodies protecting them against O157:H7 and that they pass these antibodies to their children through the placenta and their breast milk. I found this interesting, especially in light of the fact that in every case I learned about, the victims of the Organic Pastures outbreak had just started drinking
    McAfee’s milk. Perhaps those who had been drinking the milk longer had developed the antibodies.

    “It’s an old story,” McAfee said. “You see it again and again in the lists of outbreaks. City kids went to the country, drank raw milk, and got sick; country kids didn’t get sick.” But, I pointed out, this explanation still implicates Organic Pastures. McAfee shook his head. “Look, if I made four kids sick, I made four kids sick. But show me the 50,000 kids I made healthy. We don’t guarantee zero risk. We aren’t worried about the .001 percent chance that someone will get sick; we are worried about the 99 percent assurance that you are going to get sick if you eat a totally sterile, anonymous, homogenous diet.”

    The problem for McAfee is that the .001 percent is shocking and visible. A dying child will make people change their behavior. The diseases that might stem from a lack of bacteria are much more subtle. They come on slowly. It’s difficult to link cause and effect. Businesses that contribute to chronic disease often flourish while businesses that contribute to acute disease get shut down. McAfee, now clearly incensed, dismissed this line of reasoning.

    “If my milk gets someone sick, I deserve some blame, but not all of it. People have to take responsibility for maintaining their own immune systems. And we have to look at an environmental level too. Where did these germs come from? E. coli O157:H7 evolved in grain-fed cattle. It’s amazing to me that we’ve sat by as factory farmers feed more than half the antibiotics in the country to animals and breed these antibiotic resistant bacteria at the same time the food corporations are destroying our immune systems. I believe our forefathers would have grabbed their muskets and gone and shot someone over this. They would have had a tea party over this.”

    Instead of grabbing his musket, McAfee is expanding. He’s building a $2 million creamery, complete with a raw-milk museum. He expects to finish construction in 2009. I asked what he’d do if regulators come to shut that down. “I have an email list of 8,000, ready for immediate revolutionary action,” he said.

    When the California legislature quietly passed a law late last year with such strict standards that it constituted a de facto ban on raw milk, McAfee mobilized these forces. In January hundreds of people packed into a committee chamber in Sacramento carrying their children and wearing black GOT RAW MILK? T-shirts. A legislative study group is now working to come up with new standards.

    Aside from the revolutionaries and reactionaries, what are the rest of us to do? When Schmidt’s case goes to trial this spring, his lawyer, Clayton Ruby, will challenge the constitutionality of mandatory pasteurization.

    In Canada, Ruby is one of those lawyers people threaten to hire in the same way people in the United States used to say they were going to hire Johnnie Cochran. He’s sure to argue eloquently, but the judge’s decision on milk will leave unanswered the larger question of how we should mend relations with our microbial friends. The court won’t tell us whether raw milk is good for people or how Schmidt has managed to distribute it for twenty five years without making anyone sick. Someday scientists may answer these questions. But until then, we will have to conduct our own calculations to determine what constitutes clean and healthy food.

    When I sat at Schmidt’s breakfast table early one morning, glass in hand, I understood the possible consequences of my choice. All the competing science was there, along with the stories of epic sickness I’d heard. And I have to confess, the thought crossed my mind that if I got sick it would make a hell of a story. But when it comes down to it, here’s why I drank the raw milk.

    The sun had just come up, and we’d already finished three hours of work in the barn. I was filled with a righteous hunger. The table was laden with eggs from the chickens, salami from the pigs, jarred fruit, steaming porridge, cheese, and yogurt.

    Although dairy isn’t for everyone, I come from the people of the udder: my ancestors relied so heavily on milk that they passed down a mutation allowing me to digest lactose. For many generations my forefathers sat down to meals like this after the morning milking. It felt unambiguously right. This, of course, is the very definition of bias: the conflation of what feels right with what is scientifically correct. But as it was, I could only hope that my biases were rooted in something more than nostalgia. Perhaps they were. The way a place feels won’t tell you anything about whether bacteria have breached the wall of sanitation, but it does reveal something about the overall health of an ecosystem. Humans have relied on such impressions to assess the quality of their food for most of history. Someday the uncertainties of dietary science will fall to manageable levels, but until then I will rely on my gut. I drained my cup and poured thick clabbered milk and apple syrup on my porridge. If any bacteria disagreed with my body, the conflict was too small to detect.

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